In a context of capitalist crises, the popular revolts are expanding since several years. In Egypt, the revolt took a revolutionary dimension by chasing Mubarak. But it was confronted since the begining to the counter-revolutionary dynamic of religious fascism.
The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, after staying carefully away from the popular revolt, a revolt they didn’t initiate, were called as a spare wheel by Egyptian bourgeoisie as well as western bourgeoisie.
Playing the historical role the fascists currents – whether they put forward a religion or not – always played, they took a pseudo-revolutionary stance to gain access to political power, becoming thus the real tool of the counter-revolutionary takeover.
In Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood, historically supported by British imperialism to counterbalance the independentist movement and the workers’ movement, organized themselves on the basis of an ideology which was defined by Sayyid Qutd – one that we can without doubt describe as a religious fascist ideology. Like the fascists in France and everywere around the world, they boast about a so-called “social” dimension while at the same time violently oppose workers’ struggles, developing a racist and anti-semitic view of the world, and calling for a national-religious “revolution”.
In the same way that the fascists in France champion a “national capitalism”, the Muslim Brotherhood champion a “Muslim capitalism” which is only the ideological formula of the Egyptian bourgeoisie’s interests.
The first measures taken by Morsi, under Muslim Brotherhood influence, were directed against the workers’ movement. We can mention as examples: the banning of strikes, criminalizing union activists, and the will to put workers’ unions under control, fully in line with vertical and corporatist fascist unionism. These measures also targeted women and religious minorities.
After allying with the SCAF military junta, the Muslim Brotherhood has emerged as the most efficient representative of the Egyptian bourgeoisie.
Now, they are trying to establish a religious fascist regime through a “coup de force”. They try to justify this coup by saying it is aimed at liquidating the old Mubarak state apparatus, while keeping most of it in place – except for a few underlings who were brought on “lip service” trials.
In reality this coup aims to liquidate the workers’ struggle as the crackdown of Egyptian strokers and class-struggle union activists shows. Among the victims of this crackdown are 3 comrades, member of the Egyptian Libertarian Solidarity Movement, Mohamed Serag El-Din, Mohamed Ezz and Ali El-Kastawy.
To justify this coup de force, the coupists try to hide it under a democratic veneer using a referendum organised under suspicious circumstances.
The Coordination des Groupes Anarchiste (Coordination of Anarchist Groups-France) sends its solidarity to the Egyptian women and working class who rise up once again, this time against religious fascism. We especially affirm our support to the Egyptian anarchist comrades who fight for the anarchist alternative, in the heart of the popular revolt, as a bulwark against military and fascist authoritarism.
In Egypt as in France, fascism is as a gangrene: if we don’t eradicate it, we die from it!
28 December 2012